CH — LARRY ROMANOFF — 美国劳工运动与战后社会契约 — September 27th, 2022


America’s Labor Movement and the Post-War Social Contract



By Larry Romanoff, September 27th, 2022


UAW leader Walter Reuther took a few minutes off from negotiating to speak at Cadillac Square, Sept. 4, 1961. Tony Spina, Detroit Free Press. Source

1961年9月4日,美国汽车工人联合会(UAW)领导人沃尔特·鲁瑟(Walter Reuther)在凯迪拉克广场(Cadillac Square)谈判时休息了几分钟。托尼·斯皮纳(Tony Spina),底特律自由出版社。来源

“In contrast to most other industrialised nations, neither the US government nor its corporations have ever held workers or employees in much regard, and the US never accepted the concept of labor unions. Unions were always denigrated in the media as a kind of dangerous socialism that would exploit workers, but it was actually North American capitalism that exploited workers while socialism that attempted to protect them.”


Thanks to the media, most Americans today still have this understanding backwards from reality. As we will see, there was a brief period after the Second World War during which an intense fear of social unrest produced a kind of “enlightened corporate self-interest” that resulted in a benign labor landscape, but that illusion was dispelled by the 1980s and The Great Transformation, with union membership fell by about 70%, largely through the harsh capitalist and legislative climate. The majority of American workers still wanted (and needed) labor unions, but the anti-union conspiracy was too powerful.


From almost its earliest days, The FBI infiltrated labor unions and installed corrupt officials in attempts to destroy them from the inside. This was done under the pretense of combating “labor racketeering”, some of which actually existed, but the infiltrations were conducted primarily to undermine and destroy the unions.[1] When those attempts failed and labor organisers showed signs of being successful, they were either simply murdered or framed and convicted of crimes, and often executed. The US government has for all of its history acted with absolute disregard for the law, whenever the law became inconvenient to the purpose at hand. One of these purposes was the crushing of labor, where the government frequently not only fabricated criminal charges against union organisers but convicted them under laws that had never existed. In one famous case, labor organisers trying to create a mine workers union in Pennsylvania were charged by the state with murder and conspiracy. When these charges failed to hold, the organisers and about a dozen union members were hanged for “obstinacy”.

 几乎从最早的日子起,联邦调查局就渗透到工会,并设置腐败官员,试图从内部摧毁工会。这是在打击“敲诈勒索劳工”的幌子下进行的,其中一些实际上存在,但渗透主要是为了破坏和摧毁工会。[1] 当这些尝试失败,劳工组织机构显示出成功的迹象时,他们要么被谋杀,要么被陷害,被判有罪,经常被处决。美国政府在其所有历史中,无论何时法律对手头的目的变得不方便,都绝对无视法律。其中一个目的是镇压劳工,政府不仅经常捏造针对工会组织者的刑事指控,还根据从未存在过的法律对他们定罪。在一个著名的案件中,试图在宾夕法尼亚州建立煤矿工人工会的工会组织者被州政府指控谋杀和阴谋。当这些指控未能成立时,组织者和十几名工会成员因“顽固不化”而被处以绞刑。

In February of 2015, Sam Mitriani wrote an informative article titled “The True History of the Origins of Police: Protecting and Serving the Masters of Society”,[2] that reflected accurately the origins and applications of the American justice system. Much of this essay draws on Mitriani’s writing plus extracts from various other documents, the original sources of which I wasn’t able to identify. These are edited and with extensive footnotes added which were not in the originals, and are identified with quotation marks. Here is a brief edited summary of Mitriani’s comments:

 2015年2月,萨姆·米特里亚尼(Sam Mitriani)撰写了一篇题为《警察起源的真实历史:保护和服务社会主宰》(The True History of The Origins of Police:Protecting and Serving The Masters of Society)的内容翔实的文章[2],准确地反映了美国司法制度的起源和应用。这篇文章的大部分内容都借鉴了米特里亚尼的作品以及其他各种文件的摘录,我无法确定这些文件的原始来源。这些都是经过编辑的,并添加了大量脚注,这些脚注在原件中没有,并用引号标识。以下是Mitriani评论的简要编辑摘要:

“This liberal way of viewing the problem rests on a misunderstanding of the origins of the police and what they were created to do. The police were not created to protect and serve the population. They were not created to stop crime, at least not as most people understand it. And they were certainly not created to promote justice. They were created to protect the new form of wage-labor capitalism that emerged in the mid- to late-19th century from the threat posed by that system’s offspring, the working class. Before the 19th century, there were no police forces that we would recognize as such anywhere in the world. Then, as Northern cities grew and filled with mostly immigrant wage workers who were physically and socially separated from the ruling class, the wealthy elite who ran the various municipal governments hired hundreds and then thousands of armed men to impose order on the new working-class neighborhoods.


“Class conflict roiled late-19th century American cities like Chicago, which experienced major strikes and riots in 1867, 1877, 1886 and 1894.[3][4][5][6] In each of these upheavals, the police attacked strikers with extreme violence. In the aftermath of these movements, the police increasingly presented themselves as a thin blue line protecting civilization, by which they meant the bourgeois elite portion of civilization, from the disorder of the working class. This ideology has been reproduced ever since, and is still the foundation of American law and justice today, which is one reason corporate executives are virtually immune from prosecution for even the most egregious of crimes while the lower classes will suffer five years in a prison for a minor theft or smoking marijuana.


There was a never a time when the big city police neutrally enforced “the law” – nor, for that matter, a time when the law itself was neutral. Throughout the 19th century in the North, the police mostly arrested people for the vaguely defined “crimes” of disorderly conduct and vagrancy, which meant that they could target anyone they saw as a threat to “order.” In the post-bellum South, they enforced white supremacy and largely arrested black people on trumped-up charges in order to feed them into convict labor systems. The violence the police carried out and their moral separation from those they patrolled were not the consequences of the brutality of individual officers, but of policies carefully designed to mold the police into a force that could use violence to deal with the social problems that accompanied the development of a wage-labor economy. The police were created to use violence to reconcile electoral democracy with industrial capitalism. Today, they are just one part of the “criminal justice” system that plays the same role. Their basic job is to enforce order among those with the most reason to resent the system.


Mitriani told the story of the Auto Workers’ Walter Reuther,


“whose socialist views were anathema to the owners of General Motors and other automakers”, and he was several times severely beaten and eventually killed. “Once, during a time of heated labor negotiations Reuther was shot and seriously wounded in his home, that event followed by two more assassination attempts and the suspicious crash of a private plane in which he was travelling. Reuther survived those, but was finally killed in a second equally suspicious private plane crash, and the FBI still refuses to release the files on his death.” “Aside from the deliberate killings and frame-ups, the US government, unique among nations, has a long and sordid history of using its military to suppress and brutalise its own citizens whenever they came in conflict with the capitalists who have always controlled the Congress and White House. It has also accumulated a history of equally sordid legislation designed to protect and enhance the profits of its corporate elite at the expense of the people of the nation.”


“These attitudes toward the lower classes had been embedded in American capitalist and government DNA since the first days of the Republic. Prior to the late 1800s most people were either engaged in farming, owned a small shop or perhaps plied a trade like carpentry, blacksmithing or tailoring, the remainder eking a living from odd jobs and temporary employment. During this time a massive social change resulted from industrialisation, with large numbers of people migrating to the cities in search of employment, and therefore shifting from small farms or micro-businesses to being dependent full-time laborers. But it was true that for both capitalists and the government, these workers and their desire for livable wages were seen as enemies of progress. Workers were universally decrying their virtual wage slavery and lack of work safety while the government was equally universally and very callously employing the military to ensure the profits of capitalism.


“From the late 1800s, the US military was one of the main tools of worker suppression. In Chicago in 1894 US troops put an end to a strike by railway workers, by opening fire and killing dozens of workers.[7][8] Mining in the US was an extremely hazardous occupation and strikes by mine workers were common. In 1914, US troops opened fire on a group of striking mine workers in Colorado, again ending the strike by killing the strikers. A bit later, individuals trying to organise a labor union in a coal mine in Pennsylvania were shot and killed by the company management who were acquitted in a brief trial. Even the police were not immune; in 1919 a police strike in Boston[9][10][11] was ended when the military was called in to violently end the strike, and many police officers were killed. In the same year, a labor organiser in Washington was captured, tortured, castrated and then lynched.


“By the 1920s, US capitalists and the government had already developed nationwide plans to control workers and their wage demands, creating task forces to sabotage all union organisers and critics of capitalism and government. Many were imprisoned without charge and without access to legal counsel. The military on many occasions used bombers to attack striking workers.” In one large miners’ strike in West Virginia in 1921[12][13][14], several thousand soldiers launched a massive shooting war with about 5,000 striking miners, then added a chemical warfare unit and both bombers and fighter aircraft. When the strikers surrendered, the survivors were charged with treason and imprisoned. In 1930, hundreds of farm workers were beaten and arrested in California for attempting to form unions, and convicted of “criminal socialism”.[15][16][17] There are many dozens of examples spanning many decades, of the US military brutally and violently terminating labor strikes by killing the strikers.


The military weren’t immune, either.


“In 1932, as the Great Depression became severe, almost 50,000 veterans from World War I, marched to Washington to ask the government to pay the $625 bonuses they had been promised.[18][19] The soldiers, most with their families, camped on some flat land near the Capital to raise sympathy for their plight, but sympathy was not forthcoming. Instead, then-President Hoover sent in the police, a move that resulted in brutality, violence, and quite a few deaths. When that failed, Hoover sent in the active military to disperse the ‘dissidents’. General Douglas MacArthur, then-Major Dwight Eisenhower, and George Patton, launched an assault on the encampment, flooding the camp with tear gas, then opening fire on their own veterans, injuring many thousands and killing many more, including the women and children.”


It wasn’t only the US military that was engaged in these atrocities. Many large corporations formed permanent armies of their own to be used against striking workers, John Rockefeller being one of the worst, but by no means the only example.[20]

 参与这些暴行的不仅仅是美国军方。许多大公司成立了自己的永久性军队,用来对付罢工工人,约翰·洛克菲勒是其中最糟糕的一个,但决不是唯一的例子。[] 20

“In 1927, his private army massacred all the striking workers at one of his mines in Colorado with machine guns. A few years later, more groups of striking textile workers were murdered in North Carolina. In the early 1930s, more than 500,000 mill workers went on strike in South Carolina,[21][22] a strike so violently suppressed by both US military forces and private armies that no one dared try to form a union for another twenty years. In 1935, striking electrical workers at a plant in Toledo, Ohio were attacked and all killed by machine guns in the hands of thousands of US troops.[23][24][25] At the same time, police in San Francisco shot and killed several hundred peaceful dock workers during a strike, the outrage provoking a widespread strike in the entire San Francisco-Oakland region. The media supported the outrage by claiming that “communist agitators had seized control of the city”.”


“One particularly infamous event known as the Ludlow Massacre,[26][27][28] one of the most brutal attacks on workers in North American labor history, involved a strike by coal miners against Rockefeller’s inhumanity. The miners had been forced to work in extraordinarily harsh and dangerous conditions where fatality rates were very high and wages low. Further, they were paid with paper scrip which could be spent only in the company-owned store that carried very high prices. The mine workers succeeded in organising a labor union that then attempted to institute safety regulations and have increased wages paid in real money. A widespread general strike erupted when the mine managers killed a union organiser. Rockefeller responded by immediately evicting the miners from their company-owned houses, leaving them and their families homeless in a wilderness area in the middle of a harsh winter, beginning a seven-month siege of the miners.


“The Rockefellers, like all industrialists in those days, took an astonishingly aggressive stance against the striking workers, hiring hundreds of armed thugs to harass, beat and kill. His army drove armored cars with machine guns through the tent areas where the miners were camped, strafing all the tents with gunfire, killing many workers and their wives and children. When his private army proved insufficient, Rockefeller arranged for the government to send in the National Guard, ordered to empty the miners’ camps, which they did by entering the camps with massive firepower and machine-gunning the encampment in a battle that lasted for almost 14 hours. They set fire to the tents, burning alive many women and children, and shooting dead those trying to escape. As news of this inhumane massacre spread, workers all across the US went on a national strike, but the vicious brutality of the US government succeeded.”

 洛克菲勒一家和当时所有的工业家一样,对罢工工人采取了令人惊讶的激进姿态,雇佣了数百名武装暴徒进行骚扰、殴打和杀害。他的军队驾驶着装有机枪的装甲车,穿过矿工营地的帐篷区,用枪炮扫射所有帐篷,杀死了许多工人及其妻子和孩子。当他的私人军队证明洛克菲勒(Rockefeller)安排政府派遣国民警卫队(National Guard),命令清空矿工营地,他们用大量火力进入营地,用机关枪对营地进行了长达14小时的战斗。他们放火焚烧帐篷,烧死了许多妇女和儿童,并枪杀了试图逃跑的人。随着这场非人道屠杀的消息传播,美国各地的工人举行了全国罢工,但美国政府的残暴行径成功了。

Rockefeller wasn’t the only elite capitalist to have his own private army for dealing with his workers. Cyrus Eaton, who owned the Republic Steel Company, deserves special notice, even in a nation dominated by ruthless criminal capitalists, for his tendency to shoot and kill anyone attempting to form a labor union.[29][30][31] His company maintained an armory of weapons that included military-grade firepower and chemical weapons. During one strike, when police proved unable to disperse the strikers with multiple arrests, Eaton’s army moved in with guns, tear gas and clubs, leaving most workers dead or injured, many having been shot in the back. In one case, Walter Reuther and his staff were severely beaten by the Ford auto company’s private military. The Carnegies and other rich American elite industrial families all fit this same mold, but much of this history has been expunged from the texts and the Internet.

 洛克菲勒并不是唯一一个拥有私人军队来对付工人的精英资本家。拥有共和国钢铁公司(Republic Steel Company)的塞鲁斯·伊顿(Cyrus Eaton)值得特别关注,即使是在一个由残忍的犯罪资本家统治的国家,他也会枪杀任何试图组建工会的人。他的公司拥有一个武器库,其中包括军用火力和化学武器。在一次罢工中,警方证明无法通过多次逮捕驱散罢工者,伊顿的军队携带枪支、催泪瓦斯和棍棒进入,造成大多数工人死亡或受伤,许多人背部中弹。在一个案例中,沃尔特·鲁瑟(Walter Reuther)和他的员工遭到福特汽车公司私人军队的毒打。卡内基和其他富有的美国精英工业家庭都符合这一模式,但这段历史的大部分已经从文本和互联网中删除。293031

“Repression in the US has always had a different flavor than in other nations. In America, any large corporation count on the assistance of the US military to support their predatory human practices, but they could also form their own private military that would operate with almost total immunity when dealing with the working poor. For those companies without an army, there was a third option, this infamous source of brutality toward unhappy workers being the Pinkerton Detective Agency which, at the height of its power was the largest privately-owned law enforcement agency in the world and employed more men than the US military. Corporations would hire the Pinkerton agency to infiltrate unions, intimidate workers and confront strikers with military-style violence. This firm was bitterly hated by almost everyone who wasn’t a major industrialist, the mayor of one US city described Pinkertons as “They are a horde of cut-throats, thieves, and murderers and are in the employ of unscrupulous capital for the oppression of honest labor.” Today, history has been cleansed of this evil history and Pinkerton are presented as one of the “Legends of America”.

 美国的镇压总是与其他国家不同。在美国,任何大公司都指望美国军方的援助来支持他们的人类掠夺行为,但他们也可以组建自己的私人军队,在与贫困劳动者打交道时几乎完全免责。对于那些没有军队的公司,还有第三种选择,平克顿侦探局(Pinkerton Detective Agency)是对不幸工人施暴的臭名昭著的源头,在其权力鼎盛时期,它是世界上最大的私营执法机构,雇佣的人员比美国军队还多。公司会雇佣平克顿机构渗透工会,恐吓工人,并用军事暴力对抗罢工者。这家公司几乎被所有不是主要工业家的人都痛恨,美国一个城市的市长形容平克顿为“他们是一群卑鄙的人、小偷和杀人犯,他们利用肆无忌惮的资本压迫诚实的劳工。”今天,历史已经洗刷了这段邪恶的历史,平克顿被誉为“美国传奇”之一。

“The problems with low wages, inadequate or non-existent worker safety, long working hours, the lack of medical care especially for work-related injuries, continued to build until 1945. During the Second World War, wages in the US were frozen while corporate profits reached extremely high levels, creating intense bitterness and resentment among industrial workers. During this 5-year period – when strikes were banned because of the war effort – the US experienced more than 14,000 strikes involving almost seven million workers, mostly in the mining, steel and auto industries. In almost every case, President Roosevelt called in the military to forcibly put down these insurrections.


“These labor problems increased after the war, when the wartime wage freezes and bans on strikes were removed. The first six months of 1946 was a period the US Labor Department now calls “the most concentrated period of labor-management strife in the country’s history”, when virtually the nation’s entire workforce finally rebelled against decades of brutality and injustice. As one author put it, “American workers en masse and in totality, filled with rage and frustration at their system-induced misery, finally reached the point where they were defiantly unwilling to slave in dangerous and low-paid occupations while the corporations and their elites celebrated unprecedented and stratospheric profits.” In January of that year, 200,000 electrical workers called a strike, followed by 100,000 meatpackers and a few days later almost a million steelworkers staged the largest strike in US history. This was quickly followed by several hundred thousand coal miners striking and disrupting the electricity supply for much of the nation, immediately followed by many hundreds of thousands of railway and oil industry workers. The US government, true to its roots, used the military to take control of all these industry locations and President Truman threatened publicly to hang these striking workers whom he called traitors, and for whom he proposed severe criminal penalties. It was in this environment of unprecedented social unrest that Walter Reuther finally met his end.”


Then, and almost suddenly, the climate changed, due primarily to the very real fear among the elite of a second American revolution. These circumstances of resentment and revolt were so widespread as to have rapidly created a society so unstable it had become ungovernable, with the nation in anarchy and facing an imminent economic collapse and very possibly a popular revolution. “It was this that forced a revision of the social contract with new norms that included a minimum wage and regular workweek along with regular and increasing wages and the expectation of steady and perhaps permanent employment. Holidays, health care and other benefits were eventually added. It was this new social contract of labor stability, increasing real wages and narrowing income disparity that produced the superior economic performance the US experienced for almost forty years. The vast improvement in wages, working conditions and social equity permitted American factory workers for the first time in history to own their own homes, to drive cars, and to take vacations. Perhaps even more importantly, this huge adjustment in the social contract, and the increased wages, produced for the first time in American history a widespread access to higher education for children of the middle and even lower the class, since American families could afford to abandon the meager income from child labor and leave their children in school.”


“It was these children born during and after the Second World War, the first generation of Americans who grew up in an atmosphere of hope. For the first time in American history, citizens reported hope for the future and expected their childrens’ lives to be better than their own, none of these sentiments having existed prior to this. It was only the universal and almost uncontrollable labor revolt and genuine fear of a widespread and total public uprising that produced these massive social changes that resulted in the creation of the American middle class. All this was the result of America’s brief transformation from a brutal free market capitalist society to a socialist democracy, producing a period unprecedented economic growth.”


In typical American style, having been forced to abandon their sins, the elites not only took credit for their new excess of virtue but began to propagandise yet another historical myth with America suddenly being redefined as the land of opportunity, and thus was born the American Dream. It was all propaganda. American workers went in short order from being some of the most abused and brutalised laborers on the planet to those for whom life suddenly contained more than hopelessness and drudgery, and the propaganda machine, led by Hollywood, went immediately into high gear to convince Americans that things had always been this way – good, and improving. And they didn’t stop there. The Dream expanded by the year, rapidly leaving behind thoughts of valuable but boring regular jobs to be replaced with dreams of riches and success that were possible in no other nation. And of course, the elite capitalists were busy plotting to relieve this new middle class of all its money by promoting consumerism and a ‘standard of living’, firmly entrenching the consumer society as a way of life. It was all a hoax generated by a massive propaganda campaign perpetrated on a gullible public to replace revolutionary resentment against the elites with false hope for a fictitious future.


This ‘golden era of labor’, the new social contract and the attendant propaganda were not only a hoax and a myth but merely a temporary diversion while the elites regrouped. The industrialists and bankers, and their secret government, were never pleased with the financial sacrifices they had made in sharing money with the peasants of America, and the situation could never have lasted. Many authors and historians today agree that an operative plan exists to eviscerate the US middle class. Their conclusion is correct but many miss the essential flavor which is that the top 1% are not stealing money from today’s middle class; rather, they are reclaiming what had always been theirs. Their generosity in sharing wealth with the peasantry, and thereby creating America’s middle class, was an anomaly forcibly thrust upon them which they are now reversing by recovering that wealth residing in the middle and lower classes. In simple terms, they want their money back. Plans to bring to an end all that peasant hopefulness and confidence in the future, and to loot all those middle-class bank accounts, had already been made during the 1970s and were enacted with a vengeance when the US FED engineered the vicious recession in the early 1980s. And that was the beginning of the end. The 2008 financial crisis, also engineered by the FED, was the middle of the process. The end is still to come, with yet another FED-induced calamity in the planning.


James Petras categorises the late 1970s and early 1980s as The Great Transformation, when the US government, the FED, the bankers and multinationals took their alarming ideological turn to the extreme right. This was when labor became disposable and the social contract between employer and employee was terminally severed along with all pretensions of loyalty, but this trashing of the social contract was not a result of the recession. Instead, it was the purpose of Volcker’s deliberately-engineered recession to facilitate the unilateral unwinding of the social contract that had existed for forty years, and to redraw the financial and corporate landscape. At that time, one of Canada’s major telecom companies, Telus, fired around 30% of their workforce in one quarter. Many were rehired the following quarter, but only as contract personnel at lower wages and without paid holidays, pensions, medical care or benefits of any kind, an effective wage reduction of about 50%. That was the plan followed by hundreds of corporations in North America, a coordinated frontal attack on the middle class.

 詹姆斯·佩特拉斯(James Petras)将20世纪70年代末和80年代初归类为“大变革”(the Great Transformation),当时美国政府、美联储(FED)、银行家和跨国公司在意识形态上惊人地转向了极右。这是劳动成为可支配的,雇主和雇员之间的社会契约与所有假装忠诚的行为一起被彻底割裂的时候,但这种对社会契约的破坏并不是经济衰退的结果。相反,沃尔克故意策划经济衰退的目的是促进单方面解除已经存在了40年的社会契约,并重新绘制金融和企业景观。当时,加拿大一家主要电信公司Telus在一个季度内解雇了约30%的员工。许多人在第二季度被重新雇用,但只是作为合同工,工资较低,没有带薪假期、养老金、医疗或任何形式的福利,实际工资减少了约50%。这是北美数百家公司遵循的计划,是对中产阶级的一次联合正面攻击。

“The plans for destroying the post-war social contract and reconfiguring the economic landscape were being made and put into effect almost immediately after the contract was first written. The economist Edwin Dickens examined records of the meetings of the FED’s Open Market Committee from the 1950s to the present, with his analysis proving the FED’s actions were consistently intended primarily to benefit the top 1% by creating conditions to make workers more insecure and therefore more compliant in terms of wages and working conditions. He identified repeated occasions where the FED deliberately contracted the money supply and credit immediately prior to the expiry of major union contracts, intending this to drive down wages and benefits during the impending negotiations. John Maynard Keynes was warning the world about the FED and other private central banks when he wrote “the object of credit restriction is to withdraw from employers the financial means to employ labor at the existing level of wages and prices … intensifying unemployment without limit, until the workers are ready to accept the necessary reduction of money wages under the pressure of hard facts.” In other words, class warfare. Contrary to propaganda and popular belief, the US FED’s policies have never been a matter of monetary discipline, but of class discipline through control of labor. “The Federal Reserve serves the needs of the powerful. Its role is to protect capital against the interests of labor. In order to maintain labor discipline, the Federal Reserve Board is entrusted with the task of maintaining a level of unemployment high enough to keep workers fearful of losing their jobs.”

 摧毁战后社会契约和重新配置经济格局的计划几乎在合同首次签订后立即制定并实施。经济学家埃德温·狄更斯(Edwin Dickens)检查了20世纪50年代至今美联储公开市场委员会会议的记录,他的分析证明,美联储的行动始终是初衷y通过创造条件使工人更加不安全,从而在工资和工作条件方面更加顺从,从而使前1%的人受益。他指出,在主要工会合同到期前,美联储曾多次故意缩减货币供应和信贷,意图在即将到来的谈判中降低工资和福利。约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯在写道“信贷限制的目的是从雇主那里收回以现有工资和价格水平雇佣劳动力的财政手段……无限制地加剧失业,直到工人们准备好在严峻的事实压力下接受必要的货币工资削减。”换句话说,阶级战。与宣传和大众信仰相反,美国联邦储备委员会的政策从来不是一个货币纪律问题,而是通过控制劳动力的阶级纪律问题。“美联储服务于有权势的人的需要。它的作用是保护资本不受劳工利益的侵害。为了维持劳工纪律,美联储委员会的任务是维持足够高的失业率,使工人们担心失去工作。

Volcker literally launched a class war on the working lower and middle classes of America, his pronouncements about fighting inflation being only propaganda meant to keep the masses ignorant of the vicious assault he was planning against them. His first act was to tighten the money supply to such an extreme that he immediately plunged the country into the worst economic downturn since 1929, and let up only when the entire US financial system was itself threatened. During all of this blood-letting, Volcker’s only interest appeared to be the terms of labor contract demands and settlements, stating repeatedly that “The standard of living of the average American has to decline”. Business Week inadvertently identified the class-war nature of Volcker’s actions when it stated in an editorial, “Some people will have to do with less. Yet it will be a hard pill for many Americans to swallow – the idea of doing with less so that big business can have more”. And that was the entire story. By the time Volcker was finished, millions of manufacturing jobs had disappeared, wages had dropped by 30% or more, and the industrial Midwest never recovered. Adding to the human devastation was Reagan’s program of systematic deregulation, intended to further lower wages and break the back of US labor.


“Until the late 1970s, American family incomes had doubled or tripled since the ‘labor revolution’ of 1946. Then, thanks to the US FED and its friends and owners, the party was over. Wages fell, household incomes dropped, prosperity slowly evaporated, and both the American middle class and the American Dream were on their way to extinction. Few realised at the time that Volcker’s recession was not a temporary anomaly as other recessions had appeared to be; this one was a permanent and on-going assault. Since then, productivity has risen markedly while wages remained stagnant and even falling. Good jobs have increasingly disappeared to be replaced by low-wage and part-time employment, primarily in home care, fast food, and Wal-Mart. Benefits have been drastically cut or eliminated by the use of contract workers, and employment has become increasingly insecure. It began with the destruction of labor and deregulation, continued with globalisation and outsourcing, and progressed to financialisation and what we call “Wal-Martisation” and the Task Rabbit economy – the replacement of well-paying full-time employment with part-time poverty. By the early 1980s, the Treaty of Detroit had been unilaterally repealed and the golden age of labor was at an end.


This is only one small part of a very large story that includes globalisation, infrastructure privatisation, population reduction, mass immigration and the destruction of national ethnic and cultural identities, and the eventual disappearance of national sovereignty itself. The human race is being subjugated for the exclusive benefit of a small group of European bankers resident in the City of London. I do not know if this rolling snowball can be reversed. I fear it cannot.



Mr. Romanoff’s writing has been translated into 32 languages and his articles posted on more than 150 foreign-language news and politics websites in more than 30 countries, as well as more than 100 English language platforms. Larry Romanoff is a retired management consultant and businessman. He has held senior executive positions in international consulting firms, and owned an international import-export business. He has been a visiting professor at Shanghai’s Fudan University, presenting case studies in international affairs to senior EMBA classes. Mr. Romanoff lives in Shanghai and is currently writing a series of ten books generally related to China and the West. He is one of the contributing authors to Cynthia McKinney’s new anthology ‘When China Sneezes’. (Chapt. 2 — Dealing with Demons).

罗曼诺夫先生的作品已被翻译成32种语言,他的文章发表在30多个国家的150多个外语新闻和政治网站上,以及100多个英语平台上。拉里·罗曼诺夫是一位退休的管理顾问和商人。他曾在国际咨询公司担任高级行政职务,并拥有国际进出口业务。他曾任上海复旦大学客座教授,向高级EMBA班介绍国际事务案例研究。罗曼诺夫先生住在上海,目前正在写一系列与中国和西方有关的十本书。他是辛西娅·麦金尼(Cynthia McKinney)新集《当中国打喷嚏时》(When China Sneeezes)的特约作者之一。(第二章——对付恶魔)。

His full archive can be seen at

他的完整文章库可以在下面找到 +

He can be contacted at:





[1] FBI and the Unions

[1] FBI和工会

[2] The True History of the Origins of Police: Protecting and Serving the Masters of Society

[2] 警察起源的真实历史:保护和服务社会主人

[3] A History of Police Violence in Chicago

[3] 芝加哥警察暴力史


[4] 芝加哥罢工规则

[5] The Haymarket Riot

[5] 干草市场暴动

[6] Pullman Strike

[6] 普尔曼罢工

[7] The Pullman Strike of 1894; President Cleveland Ordered U.S. Army to Break the Strike

[7] 1894年普尔曼罢工;克利夫兰总统命令美国军队停止罢工

[8] The Pullman railway strike, 1894 – Howard Zinn

[8] 1894年普尔曼铁路罢工——霍华德·津恩

[9] Boston police strike

[9] 波士顿警方罢工

[10] The Boston police department goes on strike

[10] 波士顿警察局举行罢工

[11] Boston Police Strike of 1919

[11] 1919年波士顿警察罢工

[12] Battle of Blair Mountain

[12] 布莱尔山战役

[13] The Battle of Blair Mountain

[13] 布莱尔山战役

[14] Deadly 1921 coal miner revolt in West Virginia remembered

[14] 1921年西弗吉尼亚州致命的煤矿工人起义

[15] Farm Labor in the 1930s

[15] 20世纪30年代的农业劳动力

[16] California agricultural strikes of 1933

[16] 1933年加州农业罢工

[17] The Dust Bowl, California, and the Politics of Hard Times

[17] 加州沙尘暴与艰难时期的政治

[18] Bonus Expeditionary Forces March on Washington

[18] 奖金远征军向华盛顿进军

[19] 1932: U.S. Army Kicks U.S. Veterans Out of Washington

[19] 1932年:美国陆军将美国退伍军人逐出华盛顿

[20] The Gunmen and the Miners

[20] 枪手和矿工

[21] Millworkers’ Strike United States 1934


[22] Chiquola Mill Massacre




[24] 75th anniversary of the Toledo Auto-Lite strike


[25] Striking Thousands In Five Ohio Cities Are Major Problem


[26] The Ludlow Massacre


[27] The Ludlow Massacre Still Matters


[28] Eyewitness to Murder: Recounting the Ludlow Massacre


[29] 1937 Memorial Day massacre


[30] Republic Steel Plant Violence, 1930s – Film 98507


[31] Republic Workers Tell of Picket Violence; Affidavits Taken by La Follette Committee

[31]共和国工人讲述皮克特暴力事件;La Follette委员会的宣誓书

Copyright © 
Larry RomanoffBlue Moon of ShanghaiMoon of Shanghai, 2022