CH — LARRY ROMANOFF — 美国劳工运动与战后社会契约 — September 27th, 2022

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America’s Labor Movement and the Post-War Social Contract

美国劳工运动与战后社会契约

 

By Larry Romanoff, September 27th, 2022

拉里·罗曼诺夫2022年9月27日

UAW leader Walter Reuther took a few minutes off from negotiating to speak at Cadillac Square, Sept. 4, 1961. Tony Spina, Detroit Free Press. Source

1961年9月4日,美国汽车工人联合会(UAW)领导人沃尔特·鲁瑟(Walter Reuther)在凯迪拉克广场(Cadillac Square)谈判时休息了几分钟。托尼·斯皮纳(Tony Spina),底特律自由出版社。来源

“In contrast to most other industrialised nations, neither the US government nor its corporations have ever held workers or employees in much regard, and the US never accepted the concept of labor unions. Unions were always denigrated in the media as a kind of dangerous socialism that would exploit workers, but it was actually North American capitalism that exploited workers while socialism that attempted to protect them.”

 与大多数其他工业化国家相比,无论是美国政府还是其公司,都没有在多大程度上留住过工人或雇员,美国也从未接受过工会的概念。媒体总是将工会贬低为一种剥削工人的危险社会主义,但实际上剥削工人的是北美资本主义,而社会主义是没有试图保护他们。

Thanks to the media, most Americans today still have this understanding backwards from reality. As we will see, there was a brief period after the Second World War during which an intense fear of social unrest produced a kind of “enlightened corporate self-interest” that resulted in a benign labor landscape, but that illusion was dispelled by the 1980s and The Great Transformation, with union membership fell by about 70%, largely through the harsh capitalist and legislative climate. The majority of American workers still wanted (and needed) labor unions, but the anti-union conspiracy was too powerful.

 多亏了媒体,今天的大多数美国人仍然背离了现实。正如我们将看到的那样,在第二次世界大战后的一个短暂时期,对社会动荡的强烈恐惧产生了一种“开明的企业利己主义”,从而形成了一种良性的劳动环境,但这种幻觉在20世纪80年代和大变革时期被消除了,工会成员减少了约70%,主要是由于严峻的资本主义和立法气候。大多数美国工人仍然想要(并且需要)工会,但反工会阴谋太强大了。

From almost its earliest days, The FBI infiltrated labor unions and installed corrupt officials in attempts to destroy them from the inside. This was done under the pretense of combating “labor racketeering”, some of which actually existed, but the infiltrations were conducted primarily to undermine and destroy the unions.[1] When those attempts failed and labor organisers showed signs of being successful, they were either simply murdered or framed and convicted of crimes, and often executed. The US government has for all of its history acted with absolute disregard for the law, whenever the law became inconvenient to the purpose at hand. One of these purposes was the crushing of labor, where the government frequently not only fabricated criminal charges against union organisers but convicted them under laws that had never existed. In one famous case, labor organisers trying to create a mine workers union in Pennsylvania were charged by the state with murder and conspiracy. When these charges failed to hold, the organisers and about a dozen union members were hanged for “obstinacy”.

 几乎从最早的日子起,联邦调查局就渗透到工会,并设置腐败官员,试图从内部摧毁工会。这是在打击“敲诈勒索劳工”的幌子下进行的,其中一些实际上存在,但渗透主要是为了破坏和摧毁工会。[1] 当这些尝试失败,劳工组织机构显示出成功的迹象时,他们要么被谋杀,要么被陷害,被判有罪,经常被处决。美国政府在其所有历史中,无论何时法律对手头的目的变得不方便,都绝对无视法律。其中一个目的是镇压劳工,政府不仅经常捏造针对工会组织者的刑事指控,还根据从未存在过的法律对他们定罪。在一个著名的案件中,试图在宾夕法尼亚州建立煤矿工人工会的工会组织者被州政府指控谋杀和阴谋。当这些指控未能成立时,组织者和十几名工会成员因“顽固不化”而被处以绞刑。

In February of 2015, Sam Mitriani wrote an informative article titled “The True History of the Origins of Police: Protecting and Serving the Masters of Society”,[2] that reflected accurately the origins and applications of the American justice system. Much of this essay draws on Mitriani’s writing plus extracts from various other documents, the original sources of which I wasn’t able to identify. These are edited and with extensive footnotes added which were not in the originals, and are identified with quotation marks. Here is a brief edited summary of Mitriani’s comments:

 2015年2月,萨姆·米特里亚尼(Sam Mitriani)撰写了一篇题为《警察起源的真实历史:保护和服务社会主宰》(The True History of The Origins of Police:Protecting and Serving The Masters of Society)的内容翔实的文章[2],准确地反映了美国司法制度的起源和应用。这篇文章的大部分内容都借鉴了米特里亚尼的作品以及其他各种文件的摘录,我无法确定这些文件的原始来源。这些都是经过编辑的,并添加了大量脚注,这些脚注在原件中没有,并用引号标识。以下是Mitriani评论的简要编辑摘要:

“This liberal way of viewing the problem rests on a misunderstanding of the origins of the police and what they were created to do. The police were not created to protect and serve the population. They were not created to stop crime, at least not as most people understand it. And they were certainly not created to promote justice. They were created to protect the new form of wage-labor capitalism that emerged in the mid- to late-19th century from the threat posed by that system’s offspring, the working class. Before the 19th century, there were no police forces that we would recognize as such anywhere in the world. Then, as Northern cities grew and filled with mostly immigrant wage workers who were physically and socially separated from the ruling class, the wealthy elite who ran the various municipal governments hired hundreds and then thousands of armed men to impose order on the new working-class neighborhoods.

 这种自由的看待问题的方式是基于对警察的起源以及他们被创建的目的的误解。警察的创建不是为了保护和服务人民。他们的创建并不是为了制止犯罪,至少不是像大多数人理解的那样。他们当然不是为了促进正义而创建的。创建警察是为了保护新形式的雇佣劳动资本19世纪中后期,由于该制度的后代工人阶级所构成的威胁而出现的sm。在19世纪之前,世界上任何地方都没有我们会承认的警察部队。然后,随着北方城市的发展,到处都是移民工资工人,他们在身体上和社会上都与统治阶级分离,掌管各个市政府的富有精英雇佣了数百名武装人员,然后又雇佣了数千名武装人员来对新的工人阶级社区实行秩序。

“Class conflict roiled late-19th century American cities like Chicago, which experienced major strikes and riots in 1867, 1877, 1886 and 1894.[3][4][5][6] In each of these upheavals, the police attacked strikers with extreme violence. In the aftermath of these movements, the police increasingly presented themselves as a thin blue line protecting civilization, by which they meant the bourgeois elite portion of civilization, from the disorder of the working class. This ideology has been reproduced ever since, and is still the foundation of American law and justice today, which is one reason corporate executives are virtually immune from prosecution for even the most egregious of crimes while the lower classes will suffer five years in a prison for a minor theft or smoking marijuana.

 阶级冲突搅乱了19世纪末的美国城市,如芝加哥,1867年、1877年、1886年和1894年发生了重大罢工和骚乱在每一次动乱中,警方都以极端暴力袭击罢工者。在这些运动之后,警察越来越把自己描绘成一条保护文明的蓝线,他们指的是文明中的资产阶级精英部分,不受工人阶级混乱的影响。自那以后,这种思想一直被复制,至今仍然是美国法律和司法的基础,这也是为什么即使是最严重的犯罪,企业高管也几乎不受起诉,而下层阶级将因轻微盗窃或吸食大麻而被判五年监禁的原因之一。3456

There was a never a time when the big city police neutrally enforced “the law” – nor, for that matter, a time when the law itself was neutral. Throughout the 19th century in the North, the police mostly arrested people for the vaguely defined “crimes” of disorderly conduct and vagrancy, which meant that they could target anyone they saw as a threat to “order.” In the post-bellum South, they enforced white supremacy and largely arrested black people on trumped-up charges in order to feed them into convict labor systems. The violence the police carried out and their moral separation from those they patrolled were not the consequences of the brutality of individual officers, but of policies carefully designed to mold the police into a force that could use violence to deal with the social problems that accompanied the development of a wage-labor economy. The police were created to use violence to reconcile electoral democracy with industrial capitalism. Today, they are just one part of the “criminal justice” system that plays the same role. Their basic job is to enforce order among those with the most reason to resent the system.

 从来没有大城市警察中立地执行“法律”的时候,也没有法律本身是中立的时候。在整个19世纪的北方,警察大多以混乱行为和流浪的模糊定义的“罪行”逮捕人们,这意味着他们可以针对任何他们认为是对“秩序”威胁的人。在战后的南方,他们强制白人至上,并以捏造的罪名逮捕黑人,以便将他们送入罪犯劳动系统。警察实施的暴力行为以及他们与巡逻人员的道德隔离,并不是个别警察暴行的后果,而是精心设计的政策的后果,这些政策旨在将警察塑造成一支可以使用暴力来处理伴随着工资劳动经济发展而来的社会问题的力量。创建警察是为了利用暴力来调和选举民主和工业资本主义。今天,它们只是“刑事司法”系统的一部分,发挥着同样的作用。他们的基本工作是在那些最有理由怨恨这个制度的人中间执行秩序。

Mitriani told the story of the Auto Workers’ Walter Reuther,

米特里亚尼讲述了汽车工人沃尔特·鲁瑟的故事,

“whose socialist views were anathema to the owners of General Motors and other automakers”, and he was several times severely beaten and eventually killed. “Once, during a time of heated labor negotiations Reuther was shot and seriously wounded in his home, that event followed by two more assassination attempts and the suspicious crash of a private plane in which he was travelling. Reuther survived those, but was finally killed in a second equally suspicious private plane crash, and the FBI still refuses to release the files on his death.” “Aside from the deliberate killings and frame-ups, the US government, unique among nations, has a long and sordid history of using its military to suppress and brutalise its own citizens whenever they came in conflict with the capitalists who have always controlled the Congress and White House. It has also accumulated a history of equally sordid legislation designed to protect and enhance the profits of its corporate elite at the expense of the people of the nation.”

 他的社会主义观点遭到通用汽车和其他汽车制造商的诅咒”,他数次遭到毒打,最终被杀。“有一次,在一次激烈的劳资谈判中,鲁瑟在家中遭到枪击,受重伤,随后又发生了两次暗杀企图,以及他乘坐的一架私人飞机的可疑坠毁。鲁瑟幸免于难,但最终在第二次同样可疑的私人飞机坠毁中丧生,联邦调查局仍然拒绝公布他死亡的档案。“除了蓄意杀戮和陷害,美国政府在各国中是独一无二的,它有着悠久而肮脏的历史,每当其公民与一直控制着国会和白宫的资本家发生冲突时,它都会动用军队镇压和残暴自己的公民。它还积累了一段同样肮脏的立法历史,旨在以牺牲国家人民为代价,保护和提高其企业精英的利润。

“These attitudes toward the lower classes had been embedded in American capitalist and government DNA since the first days of the Republic. Prior to the late 1800s most people were either engaged in farming, owned a small shop or perhaps plied a trade like carpentry, blacksmithing or tailoring, the remainder eking a living from odd jobs and temporary employment. During this time a massive social change resulted from industrialisation, with large numbers of people migrating to the cities in search of employment, and therefore shifting from small farms or micro-businesses to being dependent full-time laborers. But it was true that for both capitalists and the government, these workers and their desire for livable wages were seen as enemies of progress. Workers were universally decrying their virtual wage slavery and lack of work safety while the government was equally universally and very callously employing the military to ensure the profits of capitalism.

 自共和国成立之初,这些对下层阶级的态度就根植于美国资本家和政府的DNA中。在19世纪末之前,大多数人要么从事农业,要么拥有一家小商店,要么从事木工、铁匠或裁缝等行业,其余的人靠打工和临时工谋生。在这段时间里,大规模的社会活动工业化带来了变化,大量的人迁移到城市寻找就业,因此从小型农场或微型企业转移到依赖性全职劳动力。但对资本家和政府来说,这些工人及其对宜居工资的渴望确实被视为进步的敌人。工人们普遍谴责他们实际上的工资奴役和缺乏工作安全,而政府同样普遍而且非常无情地雇佣军队来确保资本主义的利润。

“From the late 1800s, the US military was one of the main tools of worker suppression. In Chicago in 1894 US troops put an end to a strike by railway workers, by opening fire and killing dozens of workers.[7][8] Mining in the US was an extremely hazardous occupation and strikes by mine workers were common. In 1914, US troops opened fire on a group of striking mine workers in Colorado, again ending the strike by killing the strikers. A bit later, individuals trying to organise a labor union in a coal mine in Pennsylvania were shot and killed by the company management who were acquitted in a brief trial. Even the police were not immune; in 1919 a police strike in Boston[9][10][11] was ended when the military was called in to violently end the strike, and many police officers were killed. In the same year, a labor organiser in Washington was captured, tortured, castrated and then lynched.

 从19世纪末开始,美国军队是镇压工人的主要工具之一。1894年,在芝加哥,美军通过开火和杀害数十名工人,结束了铁路工人的罢工。[7][8]在美国,采矿是一项极其危险的职业,矿工罢工很常见。1914年,美国军队在科罗拉多州向一群罢工矿工开火,再次以杀害罢工者的方式结束罢工。不久之后,试图在宾夕法尼亚州一个煤矿组织工会的个人被公司管理层枪杀,并在简短的审判中被宣判无罪。甚至警察也不能幸免;1919年,波士顿的一次警察罢工结束了,当时军队被召来以暴力方式结束罢工,许多警察被杀。同年,华盛顿的一名劳工组织者被抓获、折磨、阉割,然后被私刑处死。1011

“By the 1920s, US capitalists and the government had already developed nationwide plans to control workers and their wage demands, creating task forces to sabotage all union organisers and critics of capitalism and government. Many were imprisoned without charge and without access to legal counsel. The military on many occasions used bombers to attack striking workers.” In one large miners’ strike in West Virginia in 1921[12][13][14], several thousand soldiers launched a massive shooting war with about 5,000 striking miners, then added a chemical warfare unit and both bombers and fighter aircraft. When the strikers surrendered, the survivors were charged with treason and imprisoned. In 1930, hundreds of farm workers were beaten and arrested in California for attempting to form unions, and convicted of “criminal socialism”.[15][16][17] There are many dozens of examples spanning many decades, of the US military brutally and violently terminating labor strikes by killing the strikers.

 到20世纪20年代,美国资本家和政府已经制定了控制工人及其工资要求的全国性计划,成立了专责小组来破坏所有工会组织者以及对资本主义和政府的批评者。许多人在没有指控的情况下被监禁,也得不到法律顾问的帮助。军方多次使用炸弹袭击罢工工人。“1921年西弗吉尼亚州一次大型矿工罢工[][][]数千名士兵与大约5000名罢工矿工展开了大规模的射击战,然后增加了一支化学战部队以及轰炸机和战斗机。罢工者投降后,幸存者被指控叛国并被监禁。1930年,数百名农业工人在加利福尼亚州因试图组建工会而遭到殴打和逮捕,并被判“刑事社会主义”罪。[][][]几十年来,美国军队通过杀害罢工者,残忍、暴力地终止劳工罢工的例子不胜枚举。121314151617

The military weren’t immune, either.

军队也无法幸免。

“In 1932, as the Great Depression became severe, almost 50,000 veterans from World War I, marched to Washington to ask the government to pay the $625 bonuses they had been promised.[18][19] The soldiers, most with their families, camped on some flat land near the Capital to raise sympathy for their plight, but sympathy was not forthcoming. Instead, then-President Hoover sent in the police, a move that resulted in brutality, violence, and quite a few deaths. When that failed, Hoover sent in the active military to disperse the ‘dissidents’. General Douglas MacArthur, then-Major Dwight Eisenhower, and George Patton, launched an assault on the encampment, flooding the camp with tear gas, then opening fire on their own veterans, injuring many thousands and killing many more, including the women and children.”

 1932年,当大萧条变得严重时,近50000名一战退伍军人游行到华盛顿,要求政府支付承诺的625美元奖金士兵们,大多数是带着家人,在首都附近的一块平地上扎营,以表达对他们困境的同情,但没有人表示同情。相反,当时的胡佛总统派出了警察,这一行动导致了暴行、暴力和相当多的死亡。当失败后,胡佛派出现役军队驱散“持不同政见者”。道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟将军、当时的德怀特·艾森豪威尔少校和乔治·巴顿少校对营地发动了袭击,催泪瓦斯淹没了营地,然后向自己的退伍军人开火,造成数千人受伤,更多人死亡,包括妇女和儿童。18

It wasn’t only the US military that was engaged in these atrocities. Many large corporations formed permanent armies of their own to be used against striking workers, John Rockefeller being one of the worst, but by no means the only example.[20]

 参与这些暴行的不仅仅是美国军方。许多大公司成立了自己的永久性军队,用来对付罢工工人,约翰·洛克菲勒是其中最糟糕的一个,但决不是唯一的例子。[] 20

“In 1927, his private army massacred all the striking workers at one of his mines in Colorado with machine guns. A few years later, more groups of striking textile workers were murdered in North Carolina. In the early 1930s, more than 500,000 mill workers went on strike in South Carolina,[21][22] a strike so violently suppressed by both US military forces and private armies that no one dared try to form a union for another twenty years. In 1935, striking electrical workers at a plant in Toledo, Ohio were attacked and all killed by machine guns in the hands of thousands of US troops.[23][24][25] At the same time, police in San Francisco shot and killed several hundred peaceful dock workers during a strike, the outrage provoking a widespread strike in the entire San Francisco-Oakland region. The media supported the outrage by claiming that “communist agitators had seized control of the city”.”

 1927年,他的私人军队用机关枪屠杀了他在科罗拉多州一个矿山的所有罢工工人。几年后,更多罢工纺织工人在北卡罗来纳州被杀害。20世纪30年代初,南卡罗来纳超过50万名工厂工人举行罢工,[][]一场被美国军队和私人军队猛烈镇压的罢工,再过二十年,没有人敢尝试组建联盟。1935年,俄亥俄州托莱多市一家工厂的罢工电气工人遭到袭击,数千名美军士兵手中的机关枪将他们全部击毙。与此同时,旧金山警方在一次罢工中枪杀了数百名平静的码头工人,这一暴行在整个旧金山-奥克兰地区引发了广泛的罢工。媒体声称“共产主义煽动者夺取了城市的控制权”,以此支持这种愤怒2122232425

“One particularly infamous event known as the Ludlow Massacre,[26][27][28] one of the most brutal attacks on workers in North American labor history, involved a strike by coal miners against Rockefeller’s inhumanity. The miners had been forced to work in extraordinarily harsh and dangerous conditions where fatality rates were very high and wages low. Further, they were paid with paper scrip which could be spent only in the company-owned store that carried very high prices. The mine workers succeeded in organising a labor union that then attempted to institute safety regulations and have increased wages paid in real money. A widespread general strike erupted when the mine managers killed a union organiser. Rockefeller responded by immediately evicting the miners from their company-owned houses, leaving them and their families homeless in a wilderness area in the middle of a harsh winter, beginning a seven-month siege of the miners.

 一个特别臭名昭著的事件被称为勒德洛大屠杀,[][][]北美劳工史上对工人最残忍的袭击之一是煤矿工人罢工,以反对洛克菲勒的不人道行为。矿工们被迫在极端恶劣和危险的条件下工作,那里的死亡率很高,工资很低。此外,他们得到的是纸币,只能在公司拥有的价格很高的商店里消费。煤矿工人成功地组织了一个工会,然后试图制定安全规定,并增加了实际支付的工资。矿场经理杀害了一名工会组织者,引发了大范围的总罢工。洛克菲勒的回应是,立即将矿工从他们公司所有的房屋中驱逐出去,让他们和他们的家人在严冬中无家可归,开始了对矿工长达7个月的围困。262728

“The Rockefellers, like all industrialists in those days, took an astonishingly aggressive stance against the striking workers, hiring hundreds of armed thugs to harass, beat and kill. His army drove armored cars with machine guns through the tent areas where the miners were camped, strafing all the tents with gunfire, killing many workers and their wives and children. When his private army proved insufficient, Rockefeller arranged for the government to send in the National Guard, ordered to empty the miners’ camps, which they did by entering the camps with massive firepower and machine-gunning the encampment in a battle that lasted for almost 14 hours. They set fire to the tents, burning alive many women and children, and shooting dead those trying to escape. As news of this inhumane massacre spread, workers all across the US went on a national strike, but the vicious brutality of the US government succeeded.”

 洛克菲勒一家和当时所有的工业家一样,对罢工工人采取了令人惊讶的激进姿态,雇佣了数百名武装暴徒进行骚扰、殴打和杀害。他的军队驾驶着装有机枪的装甲车,穿过矿工营地的帐篷区,用枪炮扫射所有帐篷,杀死了许多工人及其妻子和孩子。当他的私人军队证明洛克菲勒(Rockefeller)安排政府派遣国民警卫队(National Guard),命令清空矿工营地,他们用大量火力进入营地,用机关枪对营地进行了长达14小时的战斗。他们放火焚烧帐篷,烧死了许多妇女和儿童,并枪杀了试图逃跑的人。随着这场非人道屠杀的消息传播,美国各地的工人举行了全国罢工,但美国政府的残暴行径成功了。

Rockefeller wasn’t the only elite capitalist to have his own private army for dealing with his workers. Cyrus Eaton, who owned the Republic Steel Company, deserves special notice, even in a nation dominated by ruthless criminal capitalists, for his tendency to shoot and kill anyone attempting to form a labor union.[29][30][31] His company maintained an armory of weapons that included military-grade firepower and chemical weapons. During one strike, when police proved unable to disperse the strikers with multiple arrests, Eaton’s army moved in with guns, tear gas and clubs, leaving most workers dead or injured, many having been shot in the back. In one case, Walter Reuther and his staff were severely beaten by the Ford auto company’s private military. The Carnegies and other rich American elite industrial families all fit this same mold, but much of this history has been expunged from the texts and the Internet.

 洛克菲勒并不是唯一一个拥有私人军队来对付工人的精英资本家。拥有共和国钢铁公司(Republic Steel Company)的塞鲁斯·伊顿(Cyrus Eaton)值得特别关注,即使是在一个由残忍的犯罪资本家统治的国家,他也会枪杀任何试图组建工会的人。他的公司拥有一个武器库,其中包括军用火力和化学武器。在一次罢工中,警方证明无法通过多次逮捕驱散罢工者,伊顿的军队携带枪支、催泪瓦斯和棍棒进入,造成大多数工人死亡或受伤,许多人背部中弹。在一个案例中,沃尔特·鲁瑟(Walter Reuther)和他的员工遭到福特汽车公司私人军队的毒打。卡内基和其他富有的美国精英工业家庭都符合这一模式,但这段历史的大部分已经从文本和互联网中删除。293031

“Repression in the US has always had a different flavor than in other nations. In America, any large corporation count on the assistance of the US military to support their predatory human practices, but they could also form their own private military that would operate with almost total immunity when dealing with the working poor. For those companies without an army, there was a third option, this infamous source of brutality toward unhappy workers being the Pinkerton Detective Agency which, at the height of its power was the largest privately-owned law enforcement agency in the world and employed more men than the US military. Corporations would hire the Pinkerton agency to infiltrate unions, intimidate workers and confront strikers with military-style violence. This firm was bitterly hated by almost everyone who wasn’t a major industrialist, the mayor of one US city described Pinkertons as “They are a horde of cut-throats, thieves, and murderers and are in the employ of unscrupulous capital for the oppression of honest labor.” Today, history has been cleansed of this evil history and Pinkerton are presented as one of the “Legends of America”.

 美国的镇压总是与其他国家不同。在美国,任何大公司都指望美国军方的援助来支持他们的人类掠夺行为,但他们也可以组建自己的私人军队,在与贫困劳动者打交道时几乎完全免责。对于那些没有军队的公司,还有第三种选择,平克顿侦探局(Pinkerton Detective Agency)是对不幸工人施暴的臭名昭著的源头,在其权力鼎盛时期,它是世界上最大的私营执法机构,雇佣的人员比美国军队还多。公司会雇佣平克顿机构渗透工会,恐吓工人,并用军事暴力对抗罢工者。这家公司几乎被所有不是主要工业家的人都痛恨,美国一个城市的市长形容平克顿为“他们是一群卑鄙的人、小偷和杀人犯,他们利用肆无忌惮的资本压迫诚实的劳工。”今天,历史已经洗刷了这段邪恶的历史,平克顿被誉为“美国传奇”之一。

“The problems with low wages, inadequate or non-existent worker safety, long working hours, the lack of medical care especially for work-related injuries, continued to build until 1945. During the Second World War, wages in the US were frozen while corporate profits reached extremely high levels, creating intense bitterness and resentment among industrial workers. During this 5-year period – when strikes were banned because of the war effort – the US experienced more than 14,000 strikes involving almost seven million workers, mostly in the mining, steel and auto industries. In almost every case, President Roosevelt called in the military to forcibly put down these insurrections.

 直到1945年,工资低、工人安全不足或根本不存在、工作时间长、缺乏医疗护理,特别是工伤医疗护理等问题仍在继续。第二次世界大战期间,美国工资冻结,而企业利润达到极高水平,在工业工人中造成强烈的怨恨和怨恨。在这5年期间,由于战争努力,罢工被禁止,美国经历了14000多次罢工,涉及近700万工人,主要是采矿、钢铁和汽车行业的工人。几乎在所有情况下,罗斯福总统都要求军队强行平息这些暴动。

“These labor problems increased after the war, when the wartime wage freezes and bans on strikes were removed. The first six months of 1946 was a period the US Labor Department now calls “the most concentrated period of labor-management strife in the country’s history”, when virtually the nation’s entire workforce finally rebelled against decades of brutality and injustice. As one author put it, “American workers en masse and in totality, filled with rage and frustration at their system-induced misery, finally reached the point where they were defiantly unwilling to slave in dangerous and low-paid occupations while the corporations and their elites celebrated unprecedented and stratospheric profits.” In January of that year, 200,000 electrical workers called a strike, followed by 100,000 meatpackers and a few days later almost a million steelworkers staged the largest strike in US history. This was quickly followed by several hundred thousand coal miners striking and disrupting the electricity supply for much of the nation, immediately followed by many hundreds of thousands of railway and oil industry workers. The US government, true to its roots, used the military to take control of all these industry locations and President Truman threatened publicly to hang these striking workers whom he called traitors, and for whom he proposed severe criminal penalties. It was in this environment of unprecedented social unrest that Walter Reuther finally met his end.”

 战争结束后,战时工资冻结,罢工禁令取消,这些劳工问题加剧。1946年前6个月,美国劳工部称之为“该国历史上劳资冲突最集中的时期”,当时几乎全国所有劳动力最终反抗了数十年的暴行和不公义。正如一位作者所说,“美国工人集体和总体上对他们的制度造成的痛苦充满愤怒和沮丧,最终达到了他们公然不愿意从事危险和低薪职业的地步,而公司和他们的精英则庆祝着前所未有的高额利润。”,20万名电气工人举行罢工,随后是10万名肉类加工商,几天后,近100万名钢铁工人举行了美国历史上规模最大的罢工。紧随其后的是几十万名煤矿工人罢工,中断了全国大部分地区的电力供应,紧接着是数十万名铁路和石油工业工人。美国政府根深蒂固地利用军队控制所有这些工业地点,杜鲁门总统公开威胁要绞死这些罢工工人,他称这些工人为叛徒,并建议对他们处以严厉的刑事处罚。正是在这种前所未有的社会动荡环境中,沃尔特·鲁瑟终于走到了尽头。

Then, and almost suddenly, the climate changed, due primarily to the very real fear among the elite of a second American revolution. These circumstances of resentment and revolt were so widespread as to have rapidly created a society so unstable it had become ungovernable, with the nation in anarchy and facing an imminent economic collapse and very possibly a popular revolution. “It was this that forced a revision of the social contract with new norms that included a minimum wage and regular workweek along with regular and increasing wages and the expectation of steady and perhaps permanent employment. Holidays, health care and other benefits were eventually added. It was this new social contract of labor stability, increasing real wages and narrowing income disparity that produced the superior economic performance the US experienced for almost forty years. The vast improvement in wages, working conditions and social equity permitted American factory workers for the first time in history to own their own homes, to drive cars, and to take vacations. Perhaps even more importantly, this huge adjustment in the social contract, and the increased wages, produced for the first time in American history a widespread access to higher education for children of the middle and even lower the class, since American families could afford to abandon the meager income from child labor and leave their children in school.”

 然后,几乎是突然的,气候发生了变化,主要是由于美国第二次革命的精英们的真正恐惧。这些怨恨和反抗的情况如此普遍,以至于迅速建立了一个社会,这个社会如此不稳定,以至于无法治理,国家处于无政府状态,面临着迫在眉睫的经济崩溃,很可能还面临着一场民众革命。“正是由于这种情况,迫使社会契约进行了修订,制定了新的规范,包括最低工资、正常工作周、固定工资和不断增长的工资,以及稳定甚至永久就业的期望。假期、医疗保健和其他福利最终被加进去。这是一种新的社会契约,它具有劳动稳定性、增加实际工资和缩小收入差距的作用。”这产生了美国近40年来的卓越经济表现。工资、工作条件和社会公平的巨大改善,使美国工厂工人有史以来第一次拥有自己的房子、开车和度假。也许更重要的是,社会契约的巨大调整和工资的增加,在美国历史上第一次为中产阶级甚至更低阶级的孩子提供了接受高等教育的广泛机会,因为美国家庭可以放弃童工微薄的收入,让他们的孩子留在学校。

“It was these children born during and after the Second World War, the first generation of Americans who grew up in an atmosphere of hope. For the first time in American history, citizens reported hope for the future and expected their childrens’ lives to be better than their own, none of these sentiments having existed prior to this. It was only the universal and almost uncontrollable labor revolt and genuine fear of a widespread and total public uprising that produced these massive social changes that resulted in the creation of the American middle class. All this was the result of America’s brief transformation from a brutal free market capitalist society to a socialist democracy, producing a period unprecedented economic growth.”

 正是这些在第二次世界大战期间和战后出生的孩子们,第一代美国人在希望的氛围中成长。在美国历史上,公民们第一次报告了对未来的希望,并期望他们的孩子的生活比他们自己的生活更好,而在这之前,这些情感都不存在。这只是普遍的、几乎无法控制的劳动叛乱和对大规模、彻底的公众起义的真正恐惧导致了这些大规模的社会变革,导致了美国中产阶级的产生。所有这些都是美国从残酷的自由市场资本主义社会向社会主义民主社会短暂转变的结果,创造了一个前所未有的经济增长时期。

In typical American style, having been forced to abandon their sins, the elites not only took credit for their new excess of virtue but began to propagandise yet another historical myth with America suddenly being redefined as the land of opportunity, and thus was born the American Dream. It was all propaganda. American workers went in short order from being some of the most abused and brutalised laborers on the planet to those for whom life suddenly contained more than hopelessness and drudgery, and the propaganda machine, led by Hollywood, went immediately into high gear to convince Americans that things had always been this way – good, and improving. And they didn’t stop there. The Dream expanded by the year, rapidly leaving behind thoughts of valuable but boring regular jobs to be replaced with dreams of riches and success that were possible in no other nation. And of course, the elite capitalists were busy plotting to relieve this new middle class of all its money by promoting consumerism and a ‘standard of living’, firmly entrenching the consumer society as a way of life. It was all a hoax generated by a massive propaganda campaign perpetrated on a gullible public to replace revolutionary resentment against the elites with false hope for a fictitious future.

 在典型的美国风格中,精英们被迫放弃他们的罪恶,不仅因为他们新的过度美德而受到赞扬,而且开始宣传另一个历史神话,美国突然被重新定义为机遇之地,从而诞生了美国梦。这都是宣传。美国工人很快就从这个星球上最受虐待和残暴的劳工变成了那些生活突然变得不仅仅是绝望和苦差的人,好莱坞领导的宣传机器立即全速运转,让美国人相信事情一直都是这样的——好的,而且在改善。他们并没有就此止步。这一梦想一年比一年扩大了,很快就把有价值但乏味的常规工作的想法抛在了脑后,取而代之的是财富和成功的梦想,这在其他国家是不可能实现的。当然,精英资本家们正忙于策划通过促进消费主义和“生活标准”,将消费社会作为一种生活方式牢牢地固定下来,以释放这个新中产阶级的所有财富。这一切都是一场针对易受骗公众的大规模宣传运动制造的骗局,目的是用对虚构未来的虚假希望取代对精英的革命怨恨。

This ‘golden era of labor’, the new social contract and the attendant propaganda were not only a hoax and a myth but merely a temporary diversion while the elites regrouped. The industrialists and bankers, and their secret government, were never pleased with the financial sacrifices they had made in sharing money with the peasants of America, and the situation could never have lasted. Many authors and historians today agree that an operative plan exists to eviscerate the US middle class. Their conclusion is correct but many miss the essential flavor which is that the top 1% are not stealing money from today’s middle class; rather, they are reclaiming what had always been theirs. Their generosity in sharing wealth with the peasantry, and thereby creating America’s middle class, was an anomaly forcibly thrust upon them which they are now reversing by recovering that wealth residing in the middle and lower classes. In simple terms, they want their money back. Plans to bring to an end all that peasant hopefulness and confidence in the future, and to loot all those middle-class bank accounts, had already been made during the 1970s and were enacted with a vengeance when the US FED engineered the vicious recession in the early 1980s. And that was the beginning of the end. The 2008 financial crisis, also engineered by the FED, was the middle of the process. The end is still to come, with yet another FED-induced calamity in the planning.

 这个“劳动的黄金时代”、新的社会契约和随之而来的宣传不仅是一场骗局和神话,而且只是精英们重新集结时的暂时消遣。实业家、银行家以及他们的秘密政府对他们在与美国农民分享资金时所做的财政牺牲从来都不满意,这种情况也不可能持续下去。今天,许多作家和历史学家都同意,存在一项旨在清除美国中产阶级内脏的行动计划。他们的结论是正确的,但许多人忽略了最重要的一点,即前1%的人并没有从当今的中产阶级那里偷钱;相反,他们正在收回过去一直属于他们的东西。他们慷慨地与农民分享财富,从而创造了美国的中产阶级,这是一种不正常的现象,他们现在正通过收回居住在中产阶级和下层阶级的财富来扭转这种局面。简单地说,他们想要回他们的钱。20世纪70年代,已经制定了结束农民对未来的所有希望和信心,掠夺所有中产阶级银行账户的计划,并在20世纪80年代初美国联邦储备委员会(FED)策划了恶性衰退时以报复的方式实施。这就是结局的开始。2008年的金融危机也是由美联储策划的,是这一过程的中间阶段。随着另一场由美联储引发的灾难在规划中,结局仍将到来。

James Petras categorises the late 1970s and early 1980s as The Great Transformation, when the US government, the FED, the bankers and multinationals took their alarming ideological turn to the extreme right. This was when labor became disposable and the social contract between employer and employee was terminally severed along with all pretensions of loyalty, but this trashing of the social contract was not a result of the recession. Instead, it was the purpose of Volcker’s deliberately-engineered recession to facilitate the unilateral unwinding of the social contract that had existed for forty years, and to redraw the financial and corporate landscape. At that time, one of Canada’s major telecom companies, Telus, fired around 30% of their workforce in one quarter. Many were rehired the following quarter, but only as contract personnel at lower wages and without paid holidays, pensions, medical care or benefits of any kind, an effective wage reduction of about 50%. That was the plan followed by hundreds of corporations in North America, a coordinated frontal attack on the middle class.

 詹姆斯·佩特拉斯(James Petras)将20世纪70年代末和80年代初归类为“大变革”(the Great Transformation),当时美国政府、美联储(FED)、银行家和跨国公司在意识形态上惊人地转向了极右。这是劳动成为可支配的,雇主和雇员之间的社会契约与所有假装忠诚的行为一起被彻底割裂的时候,但这种对社会契约的破坏并不是经济衰退的结果。相反,沃尔克故意策划经济衰退的目的是促进单方面解除已经存在了40年的社会契约,并重新绘制金融和企业景观。当时,加拿大一家主要电信公司Telus在一个季度内解雇了约30%的员工。许多人在第二季度被重新雇用,但只是作为合同工,工资较低,没有带薪假期、养老金、医疗或任何形式的福利,实际工资减少了约50%。这是北美数百家公司遵循的计划,是对中产阶级的一次联合正面攻击。

“The plans for destroying the post-war social contract and reconfiguring the economic landscape were being made and put into effect almost immediately after the contract was first written. The economist Edwin Dickens examined records of the meetings of the FED’s Open Market Committee from the 1950s to the present, with his analysis proving the FED’s actions were consistently intended primarily to benefit the top 1% by creating conditions to make workers more insecure and therefore more compliant in terms of wages and working conditions. He identified repeated occasions where the FED deliberately contracted the money supply and credit immediately prior to the expiry of major union contracts, intending this to drive down wages and benefits during the impending negotiations. John Maynard Keynes was warning the world about the FED and other private central banks when he wrote “the object of credit restriction is to withdraw from employers the financial means to employ labor at the existing level of wages and prices … intensifying unemployment without limit, until the workers are ready to accept the necessary reduction of money wages under the pressure of hard facts.” In other words, class warfare. Contrary to propaganda and popular belief, the US FED’s policies have never been a matter of monetary discipline, but of class discipline through control of labor. “The Federal Reserve serves the needs of the powerful. Its role is to protect capital against the interests of labor. In order to maintain labor discipline, the Federal Reserve Board is entrusted with the task of maintaining a level of unemployment high enough to keep workers fearful of losing their jobs.”

 摧毁战后社会契约和重新配置经济格局的计划几乎在合同首次签订后立即制定并实施。经济学家埃德温·狄更斯(Edwin Dickens)检查了20世纪50年代至今美联储公开市场委员会会议的记录,他的分析证明,美联储的行动始终是初衷y通过创造条件使工人更加不安全,从而在工资和工作条件方面更加顺从,从而使前1%的人受益。他指出,在主要工会合同到期前,美联储曾多次故意缩减货币供应和信贷,意图在即将到来的谈判中降低工资和福利。约翰·梅纳德·凯恩斯在写道“信贷限制的目的是从雇主那里收回以现有工资和价格水平雇佣劳动力的财政手段……无限制地加剧失业,直到工人们准备好在严峻的事实压力下接受必要的货币工资削减。”换句话说,阶级战。与宣传和大众信仰相反,美国联邦储备委员会的政策从来不是一个货币纪律问题,而是通过控制劳动力的阶级纪律问题。“美联储服务于有权势的人的需要。它的作用是保护资本不受劳工利益的侵害。为了维持劳工纪律,美联储委员会的任务是维持足够高的失业率,使工人们担心失去工作。

Volcker literally launched a class war on the working lower and middle classes of America, his pronouncements about fighting inflation being only propaganda meant to keep the masses ignorant of the vicious assault he was planning against them. His first act was to tighten the money supply to such an extreme that he immediately plunged the country into the worst economic downturn since 1929, and let up only when the entire US financial system was itself threatened. During all of this blood-letting, Volcker’s only interest appeared to be the terms of labor contract demands and settlements, stating repeatedly that “The standard of living of the average American has to decline”. Business Week inadvertently identified the class-war nature of Volcker’s actions when it stated in an editorial, “Some people will have to do with less. Yet it will be a hard pill for many Americans to swallow – the idea of doing with less so that big business can have more”. And that was the entire story. By the time Volcker was finished, millions of manufacturing jobs had disappeared, wages had dropped by 30% or more, and the industrial Midwest never recovered. Adding to the human devastation was Reagan’s program of systematic deregulation, intended to further lower wages and break the back of US labor.

 沃尔克实际上对美国中下层工人发动了一场阶级战争,他关于对抗通货膨胀的声明只是一种宣传,目的是让大众不知道他计划对他们进行的恶性攻击。他的第一个行动是将货币供应紧缩到如此极端,以至于他立即使美国陷入1929年以来最严重的经济衰退,并且只有当整个美国金融体系本身受到威胁时,才会放松。在所有这些流血事件中,沃尔克唯一感兴趣的似乎是劳动合同要求和和解条款,他一再表示“普通美国人的生活水平必须下降”。《商业周刊》无意中发现了沃尔克行为的阶级战争性质,它在一篇社论中写道:“有些人将不得不少花钱。然而,这将是许多美国人难以接受的药丸——用更少的钱做生意,这样大企业才能有更多的钱”。这就是整个故事。到沃尔克完蛋时,数以百万计的制造业工作岗位已经消失,工资下降了30%或更多,中西部工业区从未恢复。里根的系统性放松管制计划,旨在进一步降低工资和削弱美国劳动力的后腿,给人类带来了更大的破坏。

“Until the late 1970s, American family incomes had doubled or tripled since the ‘labor revolution’ of 1946. Then, thanks to the US FED and its friends and owners, the party was over. Wages fell, household incomes dropped, prosperity slowly evaporated, and both the American middle class and the American Dream were on their way to extinction. Few realised at the time that Volcker’s recession was not a temporary anomaly as other recessions had appeared to be; this one was a permanent and on-going assault. Since then, productivity has risen markedly while wages remained stagnant and even falling. Good jobs have increasingly disappeared to be replaced by low-wage and part-time employment, primarily in home care, fast food, and Wal-Mart. Benefits have been drastically cut or eliminated by the use of contract workers, and employment has become increasingly insecure. It began with the destruction of labor and deregulation, continued with globalisation and outsourcing, and progressed to financialisation and what we call “Wal-Martisation” and the Task Rabbit economy – the replacement of well-paying full-time employment with part-time poverty. By the early 1980s, the Treaty of Detroit had been unilaterally repealed and the golden age of labor was at an end.

 直到20世纪70年代末,自1946年“劳工革命”以来,美国家庭收入翻了一番或三倍。然后,多亏了美国联邦储备委员会及其朋友和所有者,晚会结束了。工资下降,家庭收入下降,繁荣慢慢消失,美国中产阶级和美国梦都在走向消亡。当时很少有人意识到沃尔克的衰退并不像其他衰退那样是暂时的异常;这是一次持续不断的袭击。自那时以来,生产率显著提高,而工资却停滞不前甚至下降。好工作越来越少,取而代之的是低工资和兼职工作,主要是家庭护理、快餐和沃尔玛。雇佣合同工大幅削减或取消了福利,就业变得越来越不安全。它开始于劳动力的破坏和放松管制,继续着全球化和外包,并发展到金融化,我们称之为“沃尔玛化”和任务兔经济——以兼职贫困取代高薪全职就业。到20世纪80年代初,《底特律条约》被单方面废除,劳动的黄金时代已经结束。

This is only one small part of a very large story that includes globalisation, infrastructure privatisation, population reduction, mass immigration and the destruction of national ethnic and cultural identities, and the eventual disappearance of national sovereignty itself. The human race is being subjugated for the exclusive benefit of a small group of European bankers resident in the City of London. I do not know if this rolling snowball can be reversed. I fear it cannot.

 这只是一个非常大的故事的一小部分,其中包括全球化、基础设施私有化、人口减少、大规模移民、民族和文化身份的破坏,以及国家主权本身的最终消失。为了居住在伦敦金融城的一小群欧洲银行家的独有利益,人类正在被征服。我不知道这个滚动的雪球能否逆转。恐怕不行。

*

Mr. Romanoff’s writing has been translated into 32 languages and his articles posted on more than 150 foreign-language news and politics websites in more than 30 countries, as well as more than 100 English language platforms. Larry Romanoff is a retired management consultant and businessman. He has held senior executive positions in international consulting firms, and owned an international import-export business. He has been a visiting professor at Shanghai’s Fudan University, presenting case studies in international affairs to senior EMBA classes. Mr. Romanoff lives in Shanghai and is currently writing a series of ten books generally related to China and the West. He is one of the contributing authors to Cynthia McKinney’s new anthology ‘When China Sneezes’. (Chapt. 2 — Dealing with Demons).

罗曼诺夫先生的作品已被翻译成32种语言,他的文章发表在30多个国家的150多个外语新闻和政治网站上,以及100多个英语平台上。拉里·罗曼诺夫是一位退休的管理顾问和商人。他曾在国际咨询公司担任高级行政职务,并拥有国际进出口业务。他曾任上海复旦大学客座教授,向高级EMBA班介绍国际事务案例研究。罗曼诺夫先生住在上海,目前正在写一系列与中国和西方有关的十本书。他是辛西娅·麦金尼(Cynthia McKinney)新集《当中国打喷嚏时》(When China Sneeezes)的特约作者之一。(第二章——对付恶魔)。

His full archive can be seen at

他的完整文章库可以在下面找到

https://www.bluemoonofshanghai.com/ + https://www.moonofshanghai.com/

He can be contacted at:

他的联系方式:

2186604556@qq.com

 *

Notes

注释

[1] FBI and the Unions

[1] FBI和工会

https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/writers/dobbs/1940/06/fbi-unions.htm

[2] The True History of the Origins of Police: Protecting and Serving the Masters of Society

[2] 警察起源的真实历史:保护和服务社会主人

https://www.alternet.org/2015/02/true-history-origins-police-protecting-and-serving-masters-society/

[3] A History of Police Violence in Chicago

[3] 芝加哥警察暴力史

https://daily.jstor.org/a-history-of-police-violence/

[4] CHICAGO’S STRIKE ORDEAL

[4] 芝加哥罢工规则

https://ehistory.osu.edu/exhibitions/laborconflict/ChicagoStrike/default

[5] The Haymarket Riot

[5] 干草市场暴动

https://www.thoughtco.com/1886-haymarket-square-riot-chicago-1773901

[6] Pullman Strike

[6] 普尔曼罢工

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pullman_Strike

[7] The Pullman Strike of 1894; President Cleveland Ordered U.S. Army to Break the Strike

[7] 1894年普尔曼罢工;克利夫兰总统命令美国军队停止罢工

https://www.thoughtco.com/the-pullman-strike-of-1894-1773900

[8] The Pullman railway strike, 1894 – Howard Zinn

[8] 1894年普尔曼铁路罢工——霍华德·津恩

https://libcom.org/article/pullman-railway-strike-1894-howard-zinn

[9] Boston police strike

[9] 波士顿警方罢工

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Boston_police_strike

[10] The Boston police department goes on strike

[10] 波士顿警察局举行罢工

https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/the-boston-police-department-goes-on-strike

[11] Boston Police Strike of 1919

[11] 1919年波士顿警察罢工

https://exclusivethesis.com/history/boston-police-strike-of-1919/

[12] Battle of Blair Mountain

[12] 布莱尔山战役

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Blair_Mountain

[13] The Battle of Blair Mountain

[13] 布莱尔山战役

https://www.history.com/news/americas-largest-labor-uprising-the-battle-of-blair-mountain

[14] Deadly 1921 coal miner revolt in West Virginia remembered

[14] 1921年西弗吉尼亚州致命的煤矿工人起义

https://abcnews.go.com/US/wireStory/deadly-1921-coal-miner-revolt-west-virginia-remembered-79797952

[15] Farm Labor in the 1930s

[15] 20世纪30年代的农业劳动力

https://migration.ucdavis.edu/rmn/more.php

[16] California agricultural strikes of 1933

[16] 1933年加州农业罢工

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/California_agricultural_strikes_of_1933

[17] The Dust Bowl, California, and the Politics of Hard Times

[17] 加州沙尘暴与艰难时期的政治

https://capitolmuseum.ca.gov/exhibits/the-dust-bowl-california-and-the-politics-of-hard-times/

[18] Bonus Expeditionary Forces March on Washington

[18] 奖金远征军向华盛顿进军

https://www.nps.gov/articles/bonus-expeditionary-forces-march-on-washington.htm

[19] 1932: U.S. Army Kicks U.S. Veterans Out of Washington

[19] 1932年:美国陆军将美国退伍军人逐出华盛顿

https://www.mentalfloss.com/article/73642/1932-us-army-kicks-us-veterans-out-washington

[20] The Gunmen and the Miners

[20] 枪手和矿工

https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/parties/spusa/1914/0900-debs-gunmenminers.pdf

[21] Millworkers’ Strike United States 1934

[21]1934年美国工厂工人罢工

https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/millworkers-strike

[22] Chiquola Mill Massacre

[22]奇科拉·米尔惨案

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chiquola_Mill_Massacre

[23] ELECTRICAL STRIKE IS ENDED IN TOLEDO

[23]电击在托利多结束

https://www.nytimes.com/1935/06/18/archives/electrical-strike-is-ended-in-toledo-workers-vote-to-accept-peace.html

[24] 75th anniversary of the Toledo Auto-Lite strike

[24]托莱多Auto-Lite罢工75周年

https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2009/05/tole-m27.html

[25] Striking Thousands In Five Ohio Cities Are Major Problem

[25]俄亥俄州五个城市的数千人罢工是主要问题

https://idnc.library.illinois.edu/?a=d&d=DIL19350320.2.15&e=——-en-20–1–img-txIN———-

[26] The Ludlow Massacre

[26]勒德洛大屠杀

https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/rockefellers-ludlow/

[27] The Ludlow Massacre Still Matters

[27]勒德洛大屠杀仍然很重要

https://www.newyorker.com/business/currency/the-ludlow-massacre-still-matters

[28] Eyewitness to Murder: Recounting the Ludlow Massacre

[28]谋杀目击者:回忆勒德洛大屠杀

http://historymatters.gmu.edu/d/5737/

[29] 1937 Memorial Day massacre

[29]1937年阵亡将士纪念日大屠杀

https://www.detailedpedia.com/wiki-Memorial_Day_massacre_of_1937

[30] Republic Steel Plant Violence, 1930s – Film 98507

[30]20世纪30年代共和国钢铁厂暴力事件-电影98507

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tLuE39MFB7I

[31] Republic Workers Tell of Picket Violence; Affidavits Taken by La Follette Committee

[31]共和国工人讲述皮克特暴力事件;La Follette委员会的宣誓书

https://www.nytimes.com/1938/10/03/archives/republic-workers-tell-of-picket-violence-affidavits-taken-by-la.html


Copyright © 
Larry RomanoffBlue Moon of ShanghaiMoon of Shanghai, 2022

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